Voices from the Margins: Grassroots Resilience in the Face of Statelessness in Lebanon
Duaa Nooreddine, Visiting Fellow, Institute for Migration Studies, Lebanese American University
This article was commissioned under the Resilience and Inclusive Politics in the Arab Region Project funded by the Carnegie Corporation.
Introduction
Imagine living with no official identity, no legal recognition, and no access to basic services. This is not a historical relic, but the contemporary crisis is affecting an estimated 27,000 individuals in Lebanon (Siren Associates, 2023). Statelessness refers to the condition in which individuals are not recognized as nationals by any state (UNHCR, 2018). The situation remains a critical human rights issue affecting an estimated 10 million worldwide, according to UNHCR. In Lebanon, statelessness is shaped by historical and administrative factors that primarily result from (i) historical exclusions from the 1932 national census, (ii) legislative gaps in nationality law, and (iii) administrative barriers to obtaining essential documentation (UNHCR, 2021).
Lebanon’s 1932 census aimed to formalize a confessional political system that enshrined Maronite Christian dominance as they were counted as the largest demographic; apart from the count, which was criticized as an overcount of Maronites for political reasons, the other major flaw of the census was that it excluded marginalized groups, including the Bedouin, Kurds, Dom, and Palestinians, who were denied Lebanese nationality (Barshad, 2019). This exclusion further entrenched their marginalization and contributed to the ongoing statelessness. The political dominance in Lebanon was structured such that the President would be a Maronite Christian, the Prime Minister a Sunni Muslim, and the Speaker of Parliament a Shia Muslim (Diss & Stefen, 2017). While this division was revisited in 1975, with some of the President’s prerogatives shifted to the Prime Minister to create a more equitable arrangement (Diss & Stefen, 2017), the exclusion of a significant portion of Lebanese society persisted.
Furthermore, Lebanon’s nationality law, established in 1925, adheres to a “jus sanguinis” (right of blood) approach, granting nationality through paternal descent only. This limitation disproportionately affects children of Lebanese mothers and foreign fathers, as Lebanese women cannot confer nationality to their children (Frontiers Rights, 2011). Finally, administrative barriers such as the high costs and complex documentation procedures further entrench statelessness, especially among marginalized communities with limited access to civil services (Frontiers Rights, 2020).
Impact of Statelessness
The long-term impact of statelessness in Lebanon is marked by a specific generational vulnerability perpetuated over time. Research indicates that the largest group of stateless individuals are those born to Lebanese parents who did not register their birth within the first year. As aforementioned, there are an estimated 27,000 stateless persons in the country, according to a mapping study conducted by Siren Associates (2023). However, these figures should be approached with caution; unlike Syrian refugees, for whom estimates can be derived from UNHCR registration data (UNHCR, 2024), stateless individuals lack any formal tracking system. While the numbers for Syrian refugees are not definitive, some form of registration allows for more reliable estimates than the complete absence of a registry, as is the case for stateless persons. In practice, this lack of documentation renders a person invisible in the eyes of the state, where this person cannot register in school, seek medical treatment at a hospital, or even secure formal employment (UNHCR, 2018).
The key informants’ areas of residence or that of family and friends who are also stateless were Hay El Selum (Beirut Suburbs), North (Tripoli and Akkar), and South Lebanon. The choice of residency for stateless key informants varied; however, they did have in common that they were safe in those areas, away from any government presence that would cause them any trouble. While these locations may protect individuals from identification, they introduce new vulnerabilities. These areas are often neglected by the government, leading to poverty and unsafe conditions, which exacerbate the challenges faced by stateless individuals and their families. Moreover, the lack of access to education and healthcare significantly impacts their social and economic prospects, perpetuating a cycle of poverty. Stateless individuals often work in informal sectors, limiting their financial independence and reinforcing economic marginalization. This status can lead to social exclusion, psychological distress, and heightened risks of exploitation. Ultimately, these challenges affect the current generation of stateless individuals and create barriers for their children, ensuring that the vulnerabilities associated with statelessness are transmitted across generations.
Variability of Stateless Experiences
While there are many gaps in available research on stateless people and very few certainties, a fundamental truth emerges from interviews with stateless persons: no two people experience statelessness similarly. As a key informant noted, there is no “uniform reality for us”. Each person faces unique challenges and opportunities in navigating the burdens of statelessness in Lebanon. No clear binary categories can define a stateless person’s situation; statelessness can be compared to navigating a complex maze. Each individual’s path is different, shaped by various factors like the number of documents they have obtained, their connections, and their region. While a few might find a more direct route, others face more obstacles, dead ends, and detours, all of which shape their vulnerability.
According to one key informant, stateless individuals primarily seek medical care at dispensaries and unregistered clinics. When asked about more complex procedures, such as surgeries or C-sections, he noted that “contrary to common knowledge, all surgeries are often performed at unregistered facilities”; when the key informant was inquired about possible risks, he said that this is the only option so a “chance to live/survival is better than none”. This highlights how precarious their situation is, where stateless people are forced to take medical risks due to limited or no alternatives. In addition, major surgeries carried out in clinics hold several risks: restricted access to emergency equipment, inadequate sterile environments, lower capacity for handling complications, lack of blood bank access, as well as postoperative care limitations. Accessing necessary medical treatment for stateless people is not only a luxury but also a calculated gamble.
Another key informant also recounted an incident when he was forced to take his daughter to a registered hospital due to a critical medical issue. He shared that he did not want to take any medical risks then. Accordingly, he contacted a hospital staff to list them under a specific UN organization while he paid in full, so no details were requested, and they were admitted. Despite this intricate plan, it fell apart, and he was detained for 48 hours. This is not the situation for all; in the key informant’s case, he has one sole document to his name, a forged foreign birth certificate. For that reason, the outcome of his detainment was a document that requested he leave the country within a specified timeframe. The key informant shared that he did what everyone would do in his situation; after his release, he tore the paper and stayed on the low away from any law enforcement entities.
The same key informant remarked that his situation is far better than that of many others, noting that while detainment is stressful for him, it is not as paralyzing as it is for others due to the connections he has established in the country. The fear of detainment is a pervasive concern among stateless individuals, and that fear stems from the reality that many stateless people, once detained, are often forgotten in prisons, especially when crimes they have not committed are attached to their profiles. Without legal documents or any official records to prove their existence, their situation becomes even more dire as they effectively disappear from the system, leaving them in prolonged detention without recourse.
Lebanon’s nationality law disproportionately affects women, as Lebanese mothers cannot pass citizenship to their children, perpetuating intergenerational statelessness. One key informant, a Lebanese woman, shared her experience of marrying a Syrian man through a religious “Kateb Kteb”. After her husband left and refused to acknowledge the child as his, her son was left stateless, unable to obtain either Lebanese or Syrian nationality. This example not only highlights the struggles a child faces as a result of statelessness but also the broader implications for women. Women in such situations often find themselves reconsidering their choices whether it’s leaving an abusive relationship or entering a marriage with a man who can provide legal status. In either case, the lack of autonomy in these decisions is stark, as any choice made without male approval or involvement risks having far-reaching negative consequences. This reinforces the patriarchal control women are subject to, as their ability to secure legal identity and protect their children is contingent on male recognition, approval, or cooperation.
What is striking about statelessness in Lebanon is the urgency of the issue, the length of time it has persisted, and the lack of practical solutions, despite individual efforts by stateless people to navigate this condition. When interviewees were asked about this issue, one key point emerged: although they are all categorized as stateless, as noted, their experiences and positions on the vulnerability spectrum vary widely, and what systems and organizations do is address statelessness as a single monolithic issue. For instance, the key informant noted that his friend, a stateless person who has managed to secure a UNHCR registration, enjoys far greater access to medical care, education, and protection from detainment compared to him, as he does not have any documentation. It is essential to highlight that the registration of stateless people in UNHCR is on a case-by-case basis; the key informant, who is now registered with UNHCR, noted that he had an extensive interview and a long process before registration.
The situation is even more complex for individuals whose families were stripped of their nationality due to political reasons. One of the key informants is a stateless person whose great-grandfather lost his Jordanian nationality (after being forced out of Palestine) for joining a political party during Israel’s occupation of South Lebanon. He, as a result, faces a much more politically charged and intricate reality than someone who, due to poverty or lack of awareness, was not registered at birth despite both parents being Lebanese. While the latter child is stateless and, in particular, what is referred to in Lebanon as “Maktoum Al Qayd”, reclaiming Lebanese nationality is a little easier than regaining a nationality that was taken away for political reasons, and in particular, living in a country that does not even recognize you as a citizen albeit being born in the country and knowing nowhere else. This reiterates once more that the experience of being stateless in Lebanon is not uniform, so it cannot be addressed with a single solution.
Grassroots Organizations and Stateless Resilience Initiatives in Lebanon
The Lebanese government, which should be responsible for addressing statelessness, has largely shown passive neglect, marked by “bureaucratic inertia.” In contrast, neighboring countries like Jordan and Syria have introduced nationality pathways for specific stateless groups, particularly Palestinians (Muasher, 2023) Syria, for example, has amended its nationality laws to address gaps affecting children of foreign fathers (UNHCR, 2023). Lebanon remains one of the least progressive in addressing statelessness, with no national action plan and significant barriers, such as legal fees and complex documentation, blocking citizenship access. While international bodies often highlight the issue, grassroots organizations have been pivotal in providing essential support to stateless populations, addressing both immediate and long-term needs1. Grassroots Organizations
Frontiers Rights Association is a Lebanese NGO that launched a program in 2006 focused on statelessness. Its holistic approach includes identifying stateless individuals, working to prevent and reduce statelessness, and providing protection services. They offer legal representation, counseling, DNA testing, and advocacy, which are critical services for stateless people’s access to rights. One notable success story comes from Frontiers Rights, which in 2015 successfully lobbied for a court case that granted nationality to a previously stateless Lebanese-born child successfully supporting her to obtain both citizenship and graduate as a nurse. Additionally, Frontiers offers capacity-building activities to extend knowledge about statelessness across organizations, aiming to increase the support network available for stateless individuals. Importantly, Frontiers adapts its support based on assessed needs, allowing flexibility in addressing the complex realities of stateless individuals in Lebanon (Frontiers Rights, 2015).
INSAN organization takes on a similar approach. Established in 1998, INSAN supports various vulnerable groups, including stateless individuals, by providing legal aid, educational programs, social services, and psychological support. They confirmed that all these services, such as life skills training and family-centered support, are accessible to stateless individuals if they seek assistance. However, in our communication with INSAN, it was clarified that legal aid, specifically, is primarily available to those of Lebanese lineage. This approach, while ensuring inclusivity in social and psychological services, limits full support for stateless individuals with no Lebanese descent. (INSAN, 2023).
MARCH is another grassroots organization that provides comprehensive support to stateless people. MARCH, in particular, aims to strengthen youth resilience and promote peace in Tripoli through comprehensive legal support, offering services and awareness sessions that address the hardships young people face, such as restrictions on civil rights, freedom of movement, education, and access to fundamental rights like employment or passports. They provide awareness sessions and individualized and case-specific representation in military and civil courts. Such activities also target stateless youth, specifically those “individuals from Lebanese fathers who were not registered at birth”. (MARCH 2011). However, similar to Frontiers and INSAN, whose support primarily focuses on stateless individuals of “Lebanese origin,” this approach inadvertently enforces a narrow definition of statelessness, leaving many others who fall outside these criteria without support.
Stateless Individuals’ Initiatives
Beyond these organizational efforts, stateless individuals have formed support networks to address the gaps left by formal channels. In interviews with the stateless key informants, a recurring figure emerged: a man referred to by one key informant as the “mayor” who also played a crucial role in facilitating access to the key informants as a trusted source. The “mayor” is a stateless person who has spent nearly 25 years advocating for the rights of stateless individuals and families, building relationships, uncovering legal loopholes, and finding unofficial channels through which stateless people can access resources. As he learnt more, he started sharing information and tips with others, and others began doing the same, and from there emerged an unofficial network. This network only began to take shape within the last two years due to widespread fear of societal and legal repercussions; however, the network grew not only in number but also in the resources people have started learning from one another. The existence of this network highlights how resilience and resourcefulness within the stateless community have generated new support systems, building solidarity among individuals with shared experiences. The experiences of stateless individuals in Lebanon align with broader theories of resilience, particularly within marginalized communities. The concept of ‘hidden resilience’ highlights how marginalized groups develop informal networks to navigate systemic barriers (Ungar, 2008). The development of this informal network also draws attention to how stateless people’s identities remain hidden and how most only feel safe accessing such support through trusted, internal networks. This network reflects a form of “hidden resilience,” allowing stateless people to support each other in navigating legal and societal challenges in ways formal support systems are often unable to accommodate.
Challenges in Grassroots Support and the ‘Single Story’ of Statelessness
Despite the valuable work that grassroots organizations provide, their focus on Lebanese lineage cases creates an unintended “single story” of statelessness in Lebanon, a concept coined by Chimamanda Adichie (Amizade, 2012). Adichie’s critique of the “single story” highlights how simplified narratives about complex issues lead to harmful stereotypes and misunderstandings. In Lebanon, statelessness is not a monolithic experience. By limiting legal aid or representation to individuals with Lebanese lineage, these organizations risk reducing statelessness to a narrow narrative that ignores the diverse circumstances that lead people into statelessness. This single-story approach not only excludes other stateless groups but reinforces an outlook that overlooks the full range of experiences within the stateless community, thereby weakening advocacy efforts and reducing public understanding of the issue’s complexity.
Moreover, the complexity of legal processes and limited resources force NGOs to triage cases based on specific criteria, prioritizing individuals with minimal documentation and high vulnerability, such as extreme poverty or risk of exploitation. However, the vulnerabilities associated with statelessness are extensive, including limited educational access, psychological distress, and discrimination. Statelessness, therefore, is a web of intersecting challenges that no single organization can fully address. The prioritization system, while practical, often excludes many, illustrating how support services sometimes reinforce systemic exclusions rather than alleviate them.
Conclusion
Grassroots organizations like Frontiers Rights, INSAN, and MARCH play a crucial role in supporting stateless individuals in Lebanon by providing legal representation, social services, and psychological support. Their efforts help mitigate some of the vulnerabilities associated with statelessness. However, beyond legal exclusion, stateless people in Lebanon face additional challenges such as child protection concerns, gender-based violence, and social marginalization. Addressing these issues requires a shift beyond immediate aid toward tackling the root causes of vulnerability particularly the lack of legal status. Advocacy for legal reform and expanded support measures is essential to strengthening resilience and ensuring meaningful protection. Given the diverse experiences of stateless individuals, responses must be nuanced and adaptable rather than relying on a single narrative. To effectively address statelessness, broadening support criteria, incorporating flexible documentation requirements, and prioritizing training that sensitizes staff to its intersectional challenges are critical. A community-led, intersectional approach can deepen impact by ensuring that advocacy and legal reforms reflect the lived realities of those most affected. Grounding responses in the priorities of the communities served can pave the way for more equitable and lasting change in Lebanon. A key policy recommendation is the establishment of a national statelessness registry. Without formal data collection, responses to statelessness remain speculative and inconsistent. Additionally, Lebanon could introduce a pathway for nationality acquisition based on long-term residency, following examples from other MENA countries (Invisible Citizens, 2011) Legal reforms should also prioritize granting Lebanese mothers the right to confer nationality, aligning with international human rights standards. Without policies rooted in human rights, justice, and inclusion, statelessness will not only persist but remain an imminent reality for generations to come. Addressing this issue requires urgent and sustained reforms that ensure nationality is recognized as a fundamental right, not a privilege that is withheld.